Feature Photo: Inside an ethnic Mro IDP camp in Ponnagyun Township, Rakhine state.
Photo Cred: Zaw Zaw/The Irrawaddy
In the fight for democracy in Burma, it is important to remember the voices of the IDPs and refugees. Lacking representation of any kind, they easily become victims of the Burmese military. In previous installments, USCB highlighted Chin, Kachin, and Karenni voices. In this installment, USCB will be amplifying the voices of the Rakhine State, including accounts of violence since the coup, the impacts of such violence, and important action items.
Paired with previous violence from the military, conflict within Rakhine State has contributed to an ongoing IDP crisis. Explosions, landmines, and fighting between the military and Arakan army from before the coup have all contributed to an increased number of IDPs. In addition to armed conflict, the Burmese military conducted a series of clearance operations used to intentionally attack the Rohingya. One of note occurred from August 25 to September 24, 2017. An estimated 6,700 Rohingya individuals were brutally murdered across 40 villages. Accounts of these atrocities include gathering men and burning them alive, burying bodies in mass graves, gang-raping women of all ages regardless of marital status, throwing infants into fires and rivers, and mutilating body parts and/or beheading them with swords. By April 2020, there were approximately 30 refugee camps in Cox’s Bazaar district of Bangladesh, sheltering thousands of Rohingya refugees. There is currently an estimated 200,000 Rohingya/Muslim minorities living as IDPs in Rakhine state.
The Burmese military has not only committed genocide against the Rohingya, but has committed mass human rights violations against other ethnic groups in Rakhine before the coup. In August 2017, Mro and Buddhist in Rakhine state were murdered. In February of 2019, a Mro individual went missing alongside 5 other Rakhine individuals. The Mro also faced the effects of displacement as IDPs in dire conditions, lacking necessary supplies. In 2018, as violence intensified between the military and Arakan troops, many Khami were displaced. In 2019, fighting between the United League of Arakan and security forces led to the displacement of 90,000 Chin and Mro. Ultimately, the common belief that the junta serves as a method of unity between these ethnic minorities, given that all groups suffer at the hands of the same perpetrator. This can be used as a powerful force to dismantle the military.
Photo cred: Hkun Lat / Frontier
Since the coup, Rakhine state has largely remained an independent force within the movement for democracy. Despite being distant from the movement, many in the ethnic state remain in opposition to the coup as the military has continued to take unacceptable actions against the Rakhine people. On February 22, a landmine injured two workers. Although there were attempts at reducing landmines, in April 2021, another explosion injured six children, proving the military’s inefficiency in landmine clearances. In March 2021, fighting decreased, yet IDPs still faced harsh conditions, lacking necessary supplies. Individuals in Zeditaung camp fled dangerous conditions as their homes were destroyed, and now face food shortages as IDPs. In June 2021, villagers found and removed 80 unexploded artillery shells. Additionally, the military’s harmful actions fueled sentiments of opposition within Rakhine State. In May 2021, teachers refused to go back to school in support of the Civil Disobedience Movement, displaying leadership within their communities.
By July, the ethnic state was fighting another battle against the pandemic, which the junta is still utilizing to further suppress its opposition. The regime did not listen to the people’s plea for control strategies, including establishment of “temporary quarantine centers” and halting “border trade.” Most recently, while the people of Rakhine and civil society groups cooperate to build oxygen plants, the military forces announced they’ll be taking over construction on July 22. This news resulted in angry residents who were concerned about the military’s intention and usage of the O2 plants. Although not seen on the forefront of the pro-democracy movement, groups within Rakhine state remain a vital component of advocacy in Burma.
The issue of COVID-19 is severely impacting IDPs as evident through aid shortages. On July 20, the Arakan Army announced a lockdown within Rakhine state. Suffering from a surge in cases, Rakhine state faced 54 deaths and 15,000 infections from May 2 to July 19. The Rakhine State Administrative Council announced that there is a shortage in oxygen, a supply critical to the survival of COVID-19 patients. International attention must go towards providing assistance towards those in need. This assistance must not involve engagement with the junta but instead with local organizations.
Since the coup, the dangers for IDPs have intensified. In March 2021, it became evident that water was a scarce resource, causing the risk of disease to worsen. The COVID-19 pandemic has also contributed to the difficulties in gaining access to food as many are on lockdown and travel restrictions remain present. As the food security grows more dire for IDPs throughout the state and the pandemic’s third wave hits the country, many camps face additional risks as they are unable to conduct social distancing and face shortages of masks and hand sanitizer. Still, military forces continue to block aid into the region. As evident through the water crisis, IDPs lack necessary resources, reflecting the need for cross-border aid and international assistance through collaboration with local organizations.
Photo CredKyaw Kyaw/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images via Human Rights Watch
It is necessary that the international community recognize all voices of Burma. The international community must disengage with the junta, as association with it equates to recognition of the illegal government. The National Unity Government (NUG) will propel Burma towards democracy, and therefore, NUG must be recognized and strengthened. In tandem with working alongside internal, pro-democracy forces such as NUG, the international community must increase cross-border assistance and enforce a global arms embargo, no-fly zones, and targeted sanctions. Ultimately, the international community must take more tangible action, fight for an end to human rights violations, call for the release of arbitrarily detained prisoners, support access to the Internet, and halt all interference with aid delivery. Democracy must be returned to Burma, with the elected individuals from November 2020 back in their respective positions. However, a transition into democracy will not occur unless all voices are heard. This includes the voices of Rakhine state. The discrimination of those in Rakhine state is extremely evident, and the rest of Burma must recognize this state-sponsored discrimination, so Burma can progress into a lasting, united state of democracy.
Burma urgently needs your help; please consider signing on to this letter to the Members of the U.S. Congress (as an organization). The sign-on is open to Burmese diaspora, community-based organizations, and civil society organizations both here in the U.S. and around the world. The purpose of the letter is to welcome the introduction of the BURMA Act and to call on all members of the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives to co-sponsor this crucial legislation and support its expeditious passage into law. To read the full letter and sign-on, please check here. The deadline for sign-on is Tuesday, September 28, 2021 by 6pm EST.
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