CW: systemic sexual violence towards women, rape, sexual assault
Ma Kyal Sin. Mya Thwate Thwate Khaing.
Their murders by the Yangon police force and military ignited a media campaign across Burma, reverberating into the diaspora and across the world. Their deaths led to increased media exposure and conversation surrounding the role that women in Burma have played not only in the anti-coup protests, but in the nation’s long fight for federal democracy and equality.
Women in Burma’s society have always held important roles, yet these roles are often overlooked by patriarchy and misogyny. In addition to destabilizing an already precarious nation, the coup has the ability to destroy gains in the economy and leadership that women in Burma have achieved. The current nationwide general strike began with women. It was women garment workers who, due to their gender, class, and ethnicity, are at the lowest rungs of Burma’s society. These women are treated with disdain and still do not have the same rights as men. This inequality can also be seen in the male-dominated Burmese military and the violence the regime has instigated towards the people for decades, which can be explicitly linked to the patriarchy. The Burmese military junta has operated on a campaign of fear, sexual violence, armed conflicts, ethnic erasure, and abject horror for the past six decades. They have ruled in a linear fashion, with the male generals in the highest rungs of the hierarchy.
But this does not mean the answer is having more women in the military and police forces. In fact, it is precisely the recent influx of women in the armed forces and the propaganda that has risen out of this that needs to be combatted to fully extinguish patriarchy and violent militarism from Burma. The fight to end the brutal patriarchal military has been ongoing, and it is best seen in the ways that women activists have led the fight for freedom and in the women who have been imprisoned in their efforts to secure freedom for all civilians of Burma.
Daw Than Than Htay, who currently works for the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners, spent nearly 13 years in prison at Insein due to her activism in the 8888 Uprising, suffering torture under interrogation. Her sisters and mother were also detained, with one sister having been beaten so brutally that she was unrecognizable when they were reunited. Though political imprisonment is all too common in Burma, “women face extra dangers of sexual harassment and violence from the security forces,” a Burma woman activist states. In fact, there have been documented incidents of mass rape of women and girls by the military and the police forces.
Systemic sexual violence is especially pervasive towards ethnic women, who face increased risks and attacks. In the conflict areas of Rakhine, Kachin, Shan, and many more, there have been widespread reports of soldiers deliberately inflicting harm towards women, especially women who are IDPs and refugees. There has been “widespread and systematic killing” towards Rohingya women, in addition to rape, physical branding, and severe injuries that prohibit them from being able to have children. Violence towards women is also known to increase during times of distress, including coups.
Naw K’nyaw Paw of the Karen Women’s Organisation has worked for over 20 years to aid ethnic Karen people in and outside of Burma. The Karen people, particularly Karen women, have experienced political, economic, and social oppression by the Burmese military and government apparatus. Without the advocacy work of women like Naw K’nyaw Paw, the plight of ethnic people would not be centered in the international conversation around Burma. She states that we must listen to voices on the ground, especially internally displaced people and refugees- “They are the ones who know the situation the best.”
The women of Burma continue to fight, despite resistance from the State and even sometimes the people of the country, leading with necessary strength and creativity. In sheer ingenuity, the women of Burma use Hpoun, spiritual energy, and a long-held superstition that passing under women’s clothing will destroy luck to their advantage by hanging colorful longyi, sarongs (called htamein), and menstrual pads across neighborhood streets. These methods have effectively bought protesters enough time to run or hide from the military and police forces. Women are also using modern tools at their disposal when participating in mass protests: smartphones are used to track movement and facilitate communication, tires and barrels are made into shields, and kitchen knives are used to cut rubber and steel. These tactical forms of protests serve as proof that “women from all strata in Myanmar are risking their lives to declare that they will not go back to living in fear under malignant despots,” putting their lives, their bodies, and their futures on the line.
Ma Kyal Sin’s close friend, Ma Cho Nwe Oo, believes that “by participating in the revolution, our generation of young women [show] that we are no less brave than men.” The sacrifices made by the women of Burma and their advocacy throughout and before the coup must not be forgotten. Women must become full economic, social, and political participants in the country and inhabit the same spheres and power that men have historically held.
Women in Burma, from all ethnic groups, social classes, and gender identities, must be rid of the shackles of patriarchy, misogyny, and the military. Only then will we have a truly free Burma.
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