Featured Image: Who is disturbing 2020 election?, Shan State News
The completion of Burma’s national elections on November 8 leaves space for much analysis of the treatment of the country’s ethnic minorities. Disenfranchisement, voter suppression and intimidation, and lack of accessibility to polling stations have all posed serious barriers to ethnic minorities’ right to vote, ultimately barring thousands of civilians, IDPs, and refugees from casting their ballots. These violations of basic rights are rampant in all states of Burma and represent a need for fundamental change within the Burmese government.
Reports from Mon state reveal that many ethnic Pa-O, Karen, and Bamar civilians were unable to vote for their ethnic affairs minister because they were denied the proper ballot- a Bamar resident in Mawlamyine was unable to vote and estimated that hundreds more in the area were also disenfranchised. The election commission officer stated that those who did not receive an ethnic affairs minister ballot did not have their names on the eligible voter list, and told reporters that the lack of ballots was already “resolved” while the polls were still open. Officials from the Union Solidarity and Development Party attributed the issue to “racial purity,” stating that civilians with more than one ethnic identity on their government ID cards were excluded from voting while those of only one ethnicity were given ballots.
This practice and discriminatory nature of Burma’s voting process is present in more states than one- both Kachin and Shan state voters experienced similar disenfranchisement prior to the election. Kachin state residents were denied ballots to vote for their ethnic affairs minister, with estimates reporting that at least eight towns in Myitkyina and Waingmaw townships were unable to vote for the Rawang, Bamar, Shan, and Lisu ministers. Villagers in Myitkyina township expressed anger and disappointment at the notion of being an ethnic person themselves and yet being denied the right to vote for an ethnic affairs minister.
In Shan state, where voters usually receive four ballots- one for the regional legislature, Lower House, Upper House, and ethnic affairs minister- civilians in the Mandalay region only received three. When villagers complained about being unable to vote for their ethnic affairs minister, polling officers gave similar responses to officials from Mon state- if a name is not on the eligible voter list, the individual is unable to vote. This process for eligibility is deeply flawed, however, as many villagers cannot visit the voter lists to check if their name is present due to COVID-19 movement restrictions and a general lack of accessibility, especially from rural areas. The Mandalay Region Election Commission blamed ethnic voters for failing to check their eligibility in advance, representing a clear lack of understanding of the barriers facing ethnic people and the constant complicity of the Burmese government in maintaining a cycle of rights infringements.
An additional issue in Burma’s national election was the language barrier- ethnic people in Chin and Kachin states noted that ballots were written in only Burmese, preventing ethnic people from both voting and filing complaints. The Lisu National Development Party stated that the election commission was to blame for the numerous issues for ethnic people, calling for a plan from the Burmese government to solve these problems in the near future.
Voting cancellations have also been vastly problematic in both Rakhine and Chin state. Cancellations in nine of Rakhine state’s townships and 137 village tracts were the result of conflict incited by the Burma Army and has caused over 1.1 million civilians to lose the right to vote. Estimates report that a mere 25% of Rakhine state voters participated in Burma’s 2020 national election, with a total of 1,200,000 voters disenfranchised due to poll cancellations or other barriers to voting. In Chin state, 94 of the region’s 102 village tracts suffered from voting cancellations that disenfranchised more than 50,000 voters in Paletwa township, leaving a mere 10,000 eligible voters on November 8. It is clear that Burma’s states, while increasingly diverse in population and size, experience the same discrimination and abuse at the hands of a corrupt and anti-democratic Burmese government.
Certain problems, however, are also unique to individual regions. Notably, Rakhine state officials have emphasized the unfairness of local elections, highlighting that all nine townships in northern Rakhine are currently suffering from an internet shutdown that has prohibited access to information and stifled candidates’ ability to canvas on social media. Further, given Rakhine state’s unique situation with the Rohingya, the suppression of candidates has also posed an increasingly problematic barrier to democracy. The Democracy and Human Rights Party is the only party able to represent the Rohingya and had five candidates blocked from contesting in Rakhine state. An estimated 10% of Rohingya were eligible to vote in the 2020 election after being denied citizenship documents despite living in Burma for generations.
The NLD’s landslide victory suggests that they are unlikely to significantly change their governance, as this election has acted as an affirmative mandate for the NLD. Despite the Burma Army’s political power being indirectly decreased by the recent elections, the military will likely remain an unwilling compromiser and continue to strengthen the civil-military relationship to determine future political landscapes. With an expectation of increased competitive tensions, constitutional reform and ethnic minorities will be sidelined as usual, with unlikely changes for basic human rights, rule of law, and justice and accountability for impacted communities in ethnic states.
To move forward from yet another unjust election, ethnic parties need to begin preparations for 2025 as soon as possible to ensure a more united and uniform approach to competing with the NLD. Perhaps the presence of too many ethnic candidates and parties has caused a split in the ethnic vote, spreading the already minimal ethnic voice too thin to dismantle the ruling NLD. The vast disenfranchisement and intentional suppression of ethnic voters should also spark outrage from the international community- placing pressure on a complacent Burmese government could aid in ending the government’s cycle of impunity and bring an increased sense of visibility to the human rights abuses, voter suppression, corruption, and genocide taking place in Burma. Understanding the urgency of Burma’s issues and the extent to which they have been carried out largely unchecked is vital to ensuring a truly just and democratic nation.
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