Ethnic armed groups continue to resist joining the Border Guard Force despite mounting tension

It looks like the April-22 deadline for the Border Guard Forces (BGF) could possibly be the last chance for the ethnic ceasefire groups to transform their troops into the Burmese Army. So far, all of the main ethnic armed groups continue to refuse to join the army.

Tension between the ethnic ceasefire groups and the military has been highly palpable ahead of the deadline. The Burmese military has hinted to the armed groups that it could resort to military action if the latter fails to accept the terms of the BGF. Already fights have broken out between some of the ethnic ceasefire groups and the army. Last week, government troops exchanged gunfire with Kachin Independence Army (KIA) forces near a jade mine in Kachin state when the former encroached upon Kachin territory. A series of bomb explosions at a controversial damn in Kachin state, owned and operated by Chinese workers, is another indication of the mounting tension between the armed ethnic groups and the military (and in this case, even China).

United Wa State Army soldiers. Source: Shan State News

Along with KIA, it is likely that other major armed ethnic groups will let the deadline for BGF pass without transforming the troops into the Burmese Army. Yesterday, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the second largest and most formidable armed group in Burma, announced that it will not be joining the BGF. The UWSA has around 20,000 troops, and recent news have shown that they have started to mobilize their forces in preparation for a potential war with the Burmese Army. The Wa leadership reportedly met recently with senior officials of the military regime to negotiate on the terms of the BGF. The Wa allegedly proposed an alternative to the BGF, which the military refuse to accept.

In addition, the New Mon State Party (NMSP), also an ethnic ceasefire group, has refused to join the BGF since last year. Ahead of the latest BGF deadline, the NMSP is preparing to move to jungle bases in anticipation of renewed hostilities with the Burmese Army. Members of NMSP have stated that if the next round of talks on April 22 fall through, then war is inevitable and the local residents should prepare themselves to abandon their homes and flee to the jungle bases.

On the other side, the Burmese Army has begun mobilizing its troops in ethnic areas. Locals reported that dozens of military vehicles carrying infantry troops moved into Shan state, where the Wa troops are based. If an all-out war breaks out between the Wa and the Burmese Army, it could mean that civilians will be subjected to more human rights violations. Furthermore, the instability inside Burma could spill over into neighboring China, which could threaten the stability on the Chinese borders. In August 2009, the Burmese Army launched an offensive against the Kokang Army, a northern ally of the UWSA. The clash resulted in more than 37,000 Kokang civilians fleeing into China’s southern Yunnan Province. In a rare public statement, the Chinese government denounced the military regime for its transgression and warned against further military action that could spur instability in the region.

Dam bombing in Kachin State heightens tension over Border Guard Force

On Saturday, April 17, bombs exploded near the building site of a controversial dam in Kachin State, killing four Chinese workers and wounding at least 12. The bombings took place within the compound of Asia World Co. Ltd, the company building the Myitsone dam, and the victims were all Asia World Co. workers. According to sources in the Irrawaddy, over 37 bombs were set but only 25 exploded.

It is unknown who planted the bombs. Environmental activists and local residents stated that the Myitsone dam would harm the livelihoods of residents and the ecology of the Irrawaddy River as well as displace over 10,000 Kachin people who are living there. Some speculate the Burmese regime planted the bombs in order to damage relations between the opposition group, Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and the Chinese government. The dam is partially funded by the Chinese state-owned China Power Investment Corporation and China Southern Power Grid Corporation.

AsiaWorld office damaged by a bomb blast near the building site of the Myitsone Dam. Source: The Irrawaddy

The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has denied having anything to do with the Myitsone bombings. KIA spokespeople said that the Burma Army most likely planted the bombs themselves and blamed the KIA because of their refusal to obey the junta’s order to join the Border Guard Force (BGF). On Monday, KIO officials met with junta officials in Kachin State to discuss the dam blasts just days before the KIO deadline to join the Border Guard Force. Ethnic armed groups such as the KIA will be declared unlawful by the military regime if they refuse to  join the Border Guard Forces by April 22.

The dam attack came two days after a series of bombings in Rangoon during Thingyan, the Burmese new year, which killed nine people and wounded over a hundred. The US and Singapore condemned these bombings, which were the worst in Rangoon in five years.

The Burmese state-run newspaper The Mirror accused The National League for Democracy (NLD), the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), and the Vigorous Burmese Students’ Warriors (VBSW) of training and sponsoring terrorists to bomb Rangoon. Moe Zaw Oo, a spokesperson for the NLD, said this accusation was meant to discredit the NLD party in light of its decision not to contest the 2010 election due to the undemocratic nature of the political process. Some people have suggested the military junta masterminded the Rangoon bombings in order to justify more oppressive measures and state persecutions ahead of the elections.

Junta capitalizes on insecurities as bomb blast hits Yangon

Three explosions have killed at least nine people in Burma’s former capital, Yangon.
As Burma celebrates the new year with the Thingyan water festival, the junta has taken a happy occasion and created a heightened sense of insecurity and instability ahead of their sham elections. The three bomb blasts went off in a park as revelers celebrated the beginning of summer. While minor explosions happen sporadically in Yangon, which is Burma’s largest city and economic center, there are rarely coordinated attacks with so many casualties. In addition to nine deaths, there are also at least 75 injured.

Emergency workers at the scene of the blast (Source: Reuters)

The junta is blaming the blasts on the pro-democracy group National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma as well as ethnic militias such as the Shan State Army-South and the Karen National Union. These ethnic minority groups have become embroiled in what is now the world’s longest currently running military conflict as they fight for their autonomy.

Tensions between the regime and the ethnic groups have been especially high as the junta attempts to neutralize the militias and forcibly recruit fighters for a border guard force under the direction of the Burmese Army. Ethnic minorities in eastern Burma are subject to horrendous human rights abuses and over a half-million minorities are currently living in hiding as internally displaced people.

This is not the first time the regime has used bombings to crack down on dissenters and arrest activists. As the junta plans their upcoming elections, the first since Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy won a landslide victory twenty years ago, the regime is especially eager to subjugate pro-democracy dissenters. The NLD has withdrawn from the election process as new election regulations essentially outlaw opposition parties.

The United States has recently spoken out against the regime and their plans for illegitimate elections. Although President Obama has reversed the former US policy of isolation and initiated a dialogue with the regime, the US has warned the junta that if they fail to allow free and fair elections, the new engagement policies will be reconsidered. Additionally, the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Kurt Campbell, has affirmed that “we have obviously not eased sanctions and we always retain the right and the ability (to maintain them).”

In addition to the economic sanctions, nine US senators from both sides of the aisle have urged the Obama administration to crack down on bank accounts linked to the regime as well as target foreign banks that facilitate the junta’s embezzlement of oil and gas revenues.

Celebrating Thingyan by protesting Burma's regime

Today is the start of Thingyan, Burma’s traditional New Year’s water festival. Thingyan originates in Hinduism, with the new year signified by the Princess Devi passing on the Brahma’s head to the next Devi. Thingyan in Burma became a purification ceremony, where people sprayed each other with water to wash away last year’s sins and get ready for the new year. Recently, Thingyan has become a rowdy commercialized holiday, with major companies sponsoring pop concerts, DJs, dances and water-throwing events. Burmese people also visit pagodas and monasteries, pay respect to the elderly and do charity work. Thingyan celebrations are community parties featuring singing, dancing and traditional food.

This year, however, the junta has increased control over the holiday and has laid out strict laws governing the water festival celebrations for the common people of Burma. The junta announced 39 rules governing water festival participants, including limiting the location of pavilions. The pavilions must have Burmese names, must show Burmese art, guests must wear traditional Burmese clothing, eat only Burmese food and dance in a way reflective of Burmese culture. Of course, the junta and those associated with the junta are free to break those laws. Senior General Than Shwe and his business cronies will be are celebrating their own festivities in Naypyidaw. Than Shwe’s grandson, Nay Shwe Thway Aung, will host his own pavilion with the rich children of businessmen and other offficials.  The new pavilion laws do not apply to them.

Last week, US Campaign for Burma teamed up with Georgetown University’s STAND to celebrate the Thingyan Water Festival and to raise awareness about the political situation in Burma. Students celebrated the Burmese new year with their peers and chalked the quad to spread the word about the struggle for democracy in Burma.

One important aspect of Thingyan is Thangyat, a traditional Burmese protest song which contemporary Burmese use to voice their grievances. Since 1988, the military junta has outlawed any form of protest and has banned Thangyat as a result. This hasn’t stopped exiled Burmese around the world from performing protest songs, selling CDs and even broadcasting them back into Burma for citizens to listen to in secret. Burma’s military regime can make laws limiting Thingyan, banning Thangyat and upholding sham elections, but Burmese in exile will use their traditions to attack the military regime and expose their charade to the world.

ASEAN pressured on Burma elections

Leaders of the 10 Asian nations that make up ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) currently meeting in Vietnam are being pressured to take a stand against the upcoming Burma elections. Over 100 law makers from across South East Asia have petitioned ASEAN to take action against the Burmese military dictatorship and are demanding free and fair elections.

While the ASEAN summit primarily focuses on economic issues, the political issues in Burma are not going unnoticed. In the past, democracy advocates have turned to neighboring South East Asian nations to pressure the Burmese junta to take steps towards freedom and democracy. However, ASEAN has been reluctant to take a stand against the oppressive military regime. This year’s summit seems to offer some hope as legislators from across the region petition ASEAN to take action against their fellow member, Burma.

This year Burma will hold their first elections in twenty years. However, these elections will be neither free nor fair. Last month, the regime announced new election laws that essentially rule out any opposition parties. ASEAN members have criticized these laws, with the Philippines and Indonesia especially outspoken against the upcoming polls. They are demanding a fully inclusive process, which allows opposition parties such as Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) to participate fully.

The NLD was forced out of the election process after the junta passed new election laws banning political parties whose members include any of the 2,200 political prisoners currently being detained in Burma. The most prominent of these prisoners is Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been the face of the NLD since the 1988 student uprising. In order to participate in elections this year, the NLD would have to make the unthinkable decision to renounce their detained leader.

The Indonesian foreign minister, Marty Natalegawa, has spoken to the significance of this year’s elections and that Indonesia has “made references to the commitment by Myanmar that this will be an open, free, democratic and credible elections and we would like to see those kind of commitments realized.”

FBR releases new report on status of displaced children

Eastern Burma is the site of the world’s longest ongoing military conflict. As the Burmese Army continues its war against ethnic minorities and pushes for complete totalitarian control of the region, half a million people have been forced out of their homes.

A new report released by the Free Burma Rangers and Partners Relief and Development documents the current situation of eastern Burma’s 580,000 internally displaced civilians. The report, titled Displaced Childhoods, documents the heinous abuses the junta inflicts upon Burma’s children. The everyday lives of these children are violently disrupted by poverty and insecurity. Children are subjected to extrajudicial killings, torture, rape, forced labor, and conscription as child soldiers. Displaced Childhoods is the first comprehensive report documenting the experiences of internally displaced children in Burma and how their situation is the direct result of  the military regime violating its own laws, which state that “every child has the right to survival, development, protection and care, and to achieve active participation in the community.”

IDP children flee from the Burmese Army (Source: FBR)

It is estimated that there are 1-3 million internally displaced people (IDPs) hiding inside Burma. One third of these IDPs are children. The Burmese Army attack ethnic minority villages, burning homes and schools to the ground. Villagers flee into the jungle with no supplies, save for those they can carry on their backs. Although some IDP communities set up camp near their ravaged villages, the junta heavily mines the areas to keep displaced people from returning for food and supplies. The junta has long relied on landmines to control the movement of civilians in conflict areas, making eastern Burma is the most heavily mined region in the world. IDP children are made even more vulnerable by their lack of access to clean water and sustainable food supplies as well as shelter, schooling, and health care.

The report calls for the UN to create a Commission of Inquiry to investigate the continuing crimes against humanity in eastern Burma as well as urges the international community to apply pressure to the regime to end human rights abuses. The report cites the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, which states that national authorities are responsible for the prevention of conditions that may lead to displacement.

More pressure and sanctions on Burma's illegitimate regime

The 2010 general elections in Burma is a charade, and the international community must denounce both the process and the results of this sham political process that will bring neither the change Burma needs nor deserve.

It is obvious to see and understand the regime’s ulterior motives and schemes regarding the elections. An Washington Post editorial published on Sunday, April 4 argued that the only reason Burma’s junta has gone to such extremes to create the appearance of democracy with the upcoming elections is because they care about international opinion. Burma’s generals want to get rid of financial and trade sanctions imposed by the global community by casting off the impression that they are the world’s most repressive regime. With this in mind, nations can tighten financial sanctions, push the United Nations to investigate the regime’s crimes such as forced labor, minor conscription, and rape. The international community must show both the sticks and the carrots that the regime must first and foremost, release all political prisoners, initiate tripartite dialogue and cease killing, destroying and raping the lives of many Burmese civilians. Once those initiatives are made, we can then talk about the issue of sanctions.

NLD supporters in Rangoon. Source: The Irrawaddy

An op-ed by Zin Linn, a former political prisoner in Burma, argued that the European Union could play an important role ensuring that talks between the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi are meaningful and substantial political dialogue. Exiled dissident groups and the people of Burma are hopeful that the EU and other governments state publicly that they will not recognize the 2010 elections as legitimate, and that they will impose additional financial sanctions and arms embargoes if the SPDC continues to undermine reconciliation. Japan, one of Burma’s largest aid donors, has already warned that they will not increase economic aid to Burma unless the regime allows democracy leaders such as Aung San Suu Kyi to participate in the elections.

A third opinion piece from Tim Aye Hardy, a leader of the 8888 Uprising  urges President Obama to implement a 2008 law forcing international banks to stop using U.S. dollars if they do business with Burma’s junta.  He insisted that the U.S. must increase financial sanctions on Burma aimed at stopping the generals from accessing their funds in international banks in order to produce tangible results before this year’s ill-fated elections.

Military regime restarts talks with armed ethnic groups

After a month of relative calm on the Burmese border, the election-obsessed junta is turning its attention back to  consolidating ethnic armed militias.

For nearly a year, the SPDC has been working to transform the ethnic armed resistance forces along the border into border guard forces (BGF). The regime’s chief negotiator, Lt-Gen Ye Myint, will be meeting today with a delegation of ethnic Wa soldiers to discuss the United Wa State Army’s (UWSA) refusal to acquiesce to the regime’s demands. Ye Myint has insisted that holdout ethnic groups, including the UWSA, concede to the BGF plan by April 22^nd or face repercussions by April 28^th.

Armed UWSA fighters along the Chinese border (Source: The Irrawaddy)

The United Wa State Army was founded in 1989 after the collapse of the Communist Party of Burma, which played a large role in fighting for Burmese independence from the British. The new UWSA signed a ceasefire agreement with the militia the same year it was founded. However, as the SPDC pushes to absorb its forces into the Tatmadaw, the angry UWSA has taken up arms again and refused to cave in to the pressure.

Despite efforts to implement crop replacement programs, the UWSA continues to be the largest drug-producing organization in Southeast Asia. The majority of the militia’s funding comes from opium production. UWSA narcotics traffickers have funneled drug revenues into the national economy. The Hong Pang Group, founded by a prominent drug kingpin, controls businesses in construction, agriculture, mineral extraction, petroleum, electronics, and communications.

Due to their large coffers, the UWSA, unlike most of the armed groups, does not rely on the black market for its arms supply. China has become the UWSA’s main source of arms. In addition, China has played a major role in maintaining and mediating the relations between the Burmese regime and the ethnic ceasefire groups. In August of 2009, the Burmese regime launched an offensive against the Kokang Army, a northern ally of the UWSA. The clash resulted in more than 40,000 Kokang civilians fleeing into China’s southern Yunnan Province. In a rare public denunciation and unusual step of commenting on its neighbor’s internal affairs, the Chinese government warned the Burmese junta against further military action and called on the regime to safeguard regional stability. The huge influx of 40,000+ refugees was very upsetting for the Chinese government, which is concerned with stability within Burma to protect its strategic economic interests and along their mutual border.

The regime has paid relatively little attention to the border groups in the past month. Observers feel that the junta feels comfortable turning its attention back to the armed groups now that they have managed to force Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy out of the election process.

New report warns US against legitimizing sham elections

A bipartisan report sponsored by the Asia Society was released today, warning the Obama administration that engagement with the junta could be used to legitimize the sham elections being held in Burma later this year. The report, titled “Current Realities and Future Possibilities in Burma: Options for US Policy,” was created by the Burma Task Force and co-chaired by retired Army Gen. Wesley Clark and Henrietta Fore, former head of the U.S. Agency for International Development. On Wednesday, March 31, the U.S. Institute of Peace sponsored the Asia Society to hold a panel discussion about the newly-released report.

The Burma Task Force supported U.S. officials’ announcements that they would not remove current economic sanctions against Burma until all political prisoners are released, democracy begins to take shape and the government treats its people better. The report also urged the Obama administration to appoint a special envoy on U.S. policy towards Burma, which Congress recommended in the 2008 Tom Lantos Block Burma Jade Act. Nine senior U.S. senators also sent a letter to the president calling for the appointment for an envoy and for the administration to strengthen banking sanctions against the junta under the Jade Act. The letter urged the Treasury Department to use a law to crack down on US bank accounts linked to Burma’s leading generals and foreign banks doing business with the junta.

At the panel this morning, questions and concerns were raised over the recent decision by the National League for Democracy’s (NLD) to boycott the elections. What will become of the NLD now that it will not register to contend the elections? What will become of the democracy movement inside Burma when the NLD ceases to exist as a legal entity as stipulated by the controversial election laws? A senior member of the NLD,  U Win Tin has warned that the military junta will likely crack down on the soon-to-be dissolved party. “Our movements will be very much limited when we don’t have a party. If we make more movements and stand against [the junta], they will declare our party an unlawful association,” he said. “We are not working just only for winning the election and holding power. We are working for abolishing and dismantling the entire military dictatorship. So they will certainly come down harshly against us.” Despite these ominous warnings, there is hope that the NLD can continue to function without becoming an underground party. Zomi National Congress (ZNC) Chairman Pu Cin Sian Thang said, “Our ZNC party has been banned since 1993. We don’t have a right to erect our party signboard and we can’t distribute our party literature. But we can continue our movement.”

People's support for NLD to boycott

The National League for Democracy’s (NLD) decision to not register as a political party in the upcoming sham elections in Burma has resonated with people in Burma as well as the international community. The census on the ground is that many people and political organizations support the NLD’s decision to boycott the unfair and unfree elections, and hope that the party will continue its mission against all odds to bring freedom and democracy to Burma.

Members of the NLD meet in Rangoon. Source: The Irrawaddy

In The Irrawaddy, a student was quoted saying it was a good decision for the NLD to boycott the election “because the Burmese regime is just trying to legitimize itself, but there will be political crisis in the country.” A 70-year-old teacher told the Irrawaddy “It’s sad, but the people will not forget Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s party.” Meanwhile, some people who expressed dismay over the possible dissolution of the NLD as determined by the undemocratic election laws

Leaders of ethnic minority parties have also shown their support and commitment to the NLD’s decision. Aye Thar Aung, the secretary of the Arakan League for Democracy, said that they were satisfied with the NLD’s decision because the ALD already decided early on not to participate in the sham elections. The Shan State Army-South, Palaung State Liberation Front, and Karen National Union all welcomed Suu Kyi’s party’s decision.

Co-founder and senior member of the NLD, U Win Tin, who spent 19 years in prison, spoke with hope to the Democratic Voice of Burma today, saying that even though “we know we are marginalised and our party cannot exist, we are going to go around the country and work for the people.” Even when the NLD ceases to exist as a legal organization, he said that the members will still work with other organizations, democratic and minority groups, international leaders and with the people of Burma to continue the NLD’s mission. U Win Tin also wrote to the Washington Post, saying that expelling Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners from the party in order to register was out of the question. “Without them, our party would be nothing. They are in prison because of their belief in democracy and the rule of law…Our objective is to reject this sham constitution and create one that will guarantee democracy, human rights, justice, the rule of law and equality among all ethnic nationalities through an all-inclusive, genuine political dialogue. We cannot pledge to obey the sham constitution. True democracy cannot come from this process.”

In light of the NLD’s latest move, many are now calling upon the international community to increase pressure on the Burmese junta. Aung Din, executive director of U.S. Campaign for Burma, in his press release yesterday, stated that “the United Nations must intervene in Burma right now. It should reject the regime’s election. It should apply effective pressure on the regime to release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi and start a meaningful political dialogue [with the opposition groups and ethnic nationalities].”